Evolvement of the international regime of refugee protection Essay Example for Free

Evolvement of the international regime of refugee protection Essay Many people today are inclined to distinguish refugees as a relatively new phenomenon that mostly occurs in countries in Africa, Asia, and Latin America, and in rapidly disintegrating countries in the Balkans and the ex Soviet Union. Certainly during the past few decades the majority refugees have fled violent conflicts or persecution in the developing countries; but mass refugee movements are neither new nor exceptional to the Third World (Gil Loescher, ed., 1992). They have been a political as well as a humanitarian issue for as long as mankind has lived in structured groups where intolerance and domination have existed. The difference is that, before this century, refugees were regarded as assets somewhat than liabilities; countries granted refuge to people of geo-political, religious, or ideological views similar to their own; and rulers viewed organize over large populations, along with natural resources and terrain itself, as an index of power and national greatness (Michael Marrus, 1985). As most refugees of earlier eras found it probable to gain safe haven outside their country of origin, this has not been the case for numerous refugees in the twentieth century. After both world wars, Europe practiced refugee flows similar to those taking place in the Third World today. Like most modern refugee movements, people left their homes for varied and multifarious reasons, including the severe economic distraction and starvation that accompanied the violence and interference of war and the upheaval of political and social revolution that followed the disintegration of multiethnic empires and the creation of new nation-states. The majority of these people were members of unwanted minority groups, political escapees, or the victims of warfare, communalism, and haphazard violence. Fundamentally, the refugee problems of the period from 1921 to 1951 were political ones, as they are today. The international reactions to mass expulsions, compulsory transfers of population, mass exits, and capricious denial of return were often weak and contradictory. In circumstances related to those that exist in parts of the Third World and Eastern Europe today, mass incursions threatened the security of European states, particularly when numerous refugee crises became protracted affairs that surpassed the competences of humanitarian agencies and individual states to resolve. Organized international efforts for refugees began in 1921, while the League of Nations appointed the first High Commissioner for Refugees. Over the next twenty years, the scope and functions of supporting programs gradually expanded, as efforts were made to regularize the status and control of stateless and denationalized people. Throughout World War II and after it, two expensive and politically contentious refugee organizations the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Agency and the International Refugee Organization, each with a fundamentally different mandate further developed the international organizational framework. Since 1951, an international refugee regime composed of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees and a network of other international agencies, national governments, and voluntary or nongovernmental organizations has developed a reaction strategy that permits some refugees to remain in their countries of first asylum, facilitate others to be resettled in third countries, and arranges for still others to be send back to their countries of origin. Though unevenly applied, international laws that delegate refugees as a unique class of human rights victims who must be accorded special protection as well as benefits have been signed, ratified, and in force for numerous decades. yearly, billions of dollars are raised and spent on refugees. Historians have argued that refugees are a definitely contemporary problem and that international concern for refugees is a twentieth-century fact (Malcom Proudfoot, 1957). Though refugees have been a trait of international society for a long time, before this century there was no global protection for refugees as we know it at present; for the most part, they were left to fend for themselves without any official support. Citizens enjoyed the security of their sovereigns or national governments, but once they broke with their home countries and became refugees, they were completely bereft of protection except as other states or private institutions or individuals might choose to provide it. Asylum was a gift of the crown, the church, and municipalities; and renegade individuals and groups could be expecting no response to claims of asylum or protection premised on human or political right. Refugees have been present in all era. Refugees from religious maltreatment propagated throughout Europe in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (Aristide Zolberg, Astri Suhrke , and Sergio Aguayo, 1989). Protestants, Catholics, and Jews were expelled by several regimes and admitted by others according to their beliefs, ideologies, and economic inevitability. By the late seventeenth century, with the attainment of a high degree of religious homogeneity in most parts of Europe, the age of religious harassment gave way to an age of political disruption and revolution, during which individuals were persecuted for their political opinions and their opposition to new radical regimes. New waves of refugees were prompted by these revolutionary conflicts. The nineteenth century produced many comparatively small refugee flows, mostly from other revolutionary and nationalist movements in Poland, Germany, France, and Russia. Europeans who feared persecution could move to one of the numerous immigrant countries in the New World still eager for an improved labor force and for settlers to fill empty territories. There they could merge with other migrant groups and neither regards them nor is labeled as refugees. therefore, before the twentieth century, there were no groups of homeless Europeans cast adrift in a world that rejected them. The refugee is significant precisely because the refugee is an exception; the refugee is outside of some overarching framework. Whereas to celebrate the incomparable position of the refugee beyond violent state constraints, lawyers and practitioners seek to put the refugee inside several type of regime to avoid the violence of the inter. For the lawyers and practitioners, refugees are exceptions, it is decisive to repeat, in the sense that there is no observable entity to protect them. Whereas, the legal refugee regime seeks to protect citizens who have fallen outside the borders of customary state responsibility. As Goodwin-Gill notes: Refugee law †¦ remains an incomplete legal regime of protection; wrongly covering what ought to be a situation of exception. It goes some means to alleviate the plight of those affected by breaches of human rights standards or by the disintegrate of an existing social order in the wake of insurgency, civil strife, or aggression; but it is incomplete so far as refugees and asylum seekers might still be denied even temporary refuge or temporary protection, safe return to their homes, or compensation. They are denied, that is, by states which are not gratifying their obligations. Goodwin-Gill assumes that if all states were satisfying all their obligations there would be no exceptions and hence no refugees. International lawyers and practitioners presume that the internal basis of the state system is non-violent and that violent eruptions are exceptions and hence cause exceptions called refugees. In Dillons terms, international lawyers try to find resolutions to the problem of the inter within the nation-state. Citizens are protected first by their governments as the primary obligation of states is to protect their citizens. Further, governments are organized by various treaties and organisations managing those treaties to make sure that states fulfill their legal obligations to their citizens. These organizations themselves do not protect citizens; they try to guarantee that states do. Refugees are exceptions simply in so far as either their citizenship is in question that is why statelessness is so significant and the determination of citizenship crucial or the accountable government is no longer capable of, or unwilling to offer, proper protection. The role of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) or the International Organization for Migration (IOM) is not to create new state compulsions in the normal function of states, but rather to see that states function in such a way that citizens will be secluded. As Arthur Helton has clearly stated: UNHCRs protection responsibility, which is commended to it by the international community, makes it distinctive among traditional organizations †¦ In a fundamental sense, protection means to secure the satisfaction of basic human rights and to meet primary humanitarian needs. In this sense, the protection of refugees is an conservatory of human rights protection taken in very specific and incomparable situations. The protection function is normal: it is the situation in which the function should operate that is extraordinary. Basic human rights have not changed. The postulation is that if all states respected their compulsions to their citizens in terms of human rights there would be no refugees or refugee flows, which are caused by violations, by exceptions to the rules of appropriate state behavior. Thus, norms dealing with refugees are expansions of the normal obligations of states in unusual situations: they are not extraordinary rules. International politics today displays behavior patterns which imitate the operation of competing ordering principles, including governance by communal self-regulation. Regime analysis attempts to make the point that international relations cannot be reduced to a state of anarchy in the sense that the allowance of goods among states (and their societies) results from the junction of their competitive self-help strategies which they pursue as relative-gains seekers ( Grieco 1990). Certainly, there can be no doubt that for parts of the world the pragmatist assessment of international relations as being in a state of anarchism still seems valid. The Cold War strategies of the United States and the USSR until the eighties or the conflict processes in the Middle East, especially between Israel and its neighbors, but also among Arab states themselves as confirmed by the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait, are telling evidence of this observation. However, it would be an embellishment if it were suggested that international politics could be said to be nothing but the sum total of individual or communal self-help strategies by which states seek to attain relative gains (or to avoid or minimize relative losses). This realist evaluation turns a blind eye on a wide variety of interaction patterns which cannot be reduced to competitive self-help strategies. The image of competitive international politics formed by anarchy among sovereign states is most sturdily challenged by the observation of instances of hierarchically ordered supranational policy-making (including implementation). Take the following two examples. The Security Council of the United Nations consented collective sanctions against Iraq after its incursion of Kuwait and established monitoring and supervisory machinery; additionally, after Iraqs defeat the Security Council ordered the destruction of weapons, installations, etc. inside Iraq and had it carried out under its overall guidance. In this sense, the Security Council acted like a governmental body of an initial world minimal state. A less spectacular case is the European Community, where hierarchical, supranational policy-making is quite common in numerous policy sectors. In the field of agricultural policy, for example, policies are most often initiated in Brussels, while national governments are so strongly ensnared in the joint decision trap ( Scharpf 1985) that they have no choice but to seek to manipulate the Community policies there is no longer any way out option. However, neither anarchy-induced competitive global politics nor hierarchically ordered international policy-making fatigues the reality of politics among nations. An escalating part of international political interactions and processes has become the object of international collective self-regulation, i.e. the voluntary partaking by states and other international actors in collective action to accomplish joint gains or to avoid joint losses in conflictual or challenging social situations. Examples of this kind of cooperative self-regulation on the global level include the GATT based international trade regime, the nuclear non-proliferation regime, or the establishment for the protection of the stratospheric ozone layer. However, international regimes are simply one manifestation, perhaps the most prominent, of collective self-regulation by states (and other international actors): it also contains contractual arrangements short of a regime as well as formal international organizations which ease collaboration short of generating compelling obligations, e.g. by the production and diffusion of information. To put it in a different way: the growth of institutions governing international political life has been reasonably remarkable. Taking the best-documented separation of international institutions international governmental organizations (IGOs) the count stands at about 300. It goes almost without saying that this number involves a wide variety of this species of international institution. If one looks at another subset, international treaties formally registered with the United Nations, the number of cases is in the thousands. Even though research on international regimes has engendered a wealth of theoretical and empirical studies, it is as yet hard to assess the quantity and quality of international regime formation that has in fact taken place in the last few decades. There is no source for identifying existing international regimes comparable to the sources just cited for international organizations and international treaties. All kinds of organizations with the rationale of defending or promoting functionally defined interests in the international monarchy are in principle able to implement relatively established forms of co-operation in the pursuit of their interests. If international non-governmental organizations interacting in an issue area agree upon principles, norms, rules, and decision-making procedures in order to normalize their interactions, one can speak of global regimes. To be sure, this constituent of international order is still underdeveloped and under-researched. As one might, for instance, refer to the post-war arrangement of the seven big oil companies the first oil regime according to Frank (1985) , it remains uncertain whether cartels ought to be considered regimes. In short, while transnational regimes represent a subdivision of international order that may become more important in the near future, it is at present a minor component which nevertheless deserves more comprehensive st udy. Regime analysis acknowledges that its field of inquest does not cover the whole realm of todays international relations, even if we take into account both international and transnational regimes. It is restricted, on the one hand, by those competitive interaction patterns which are described by the pragmatist or neo-realist approaches in International Relations. On the other hand, regime analysis should give way to integration theory if, and to the extent that, supportive interaction patterns move into a transformational mode leading to the formation of a new layer of political authority beyond the nation state. Recognizing the practice of tolerant competition among states as well as the phenomenon of supranationalism, regime investigation seeks to avoid being tied down by the either/ or debate in International Relations between anarchists and govern mentalists. Complex international governance might be an proper label for this peculiarity of modern international relations, in which different kinds of partial orders, varying in local scope and function, coexist. As James Rosenau (1992: 13-14) has put it: Global order is conceived here to be a distinct set of arrangements even though these are not causally associated into a single coherent array of patterns. The organic whole that comprises the present or future global order is organic only in the sagacity that its diverse actors are all claimants upon the earthbound resources and all of them should cope with the same environmental conditions, noxious and polluted as these can be. It is very doubtful that one kind of social order will dominate international relations in the near future and thus will reintroduce a state of affairs which can be described as organic or harmonized. The coexistence of different partial orders each considered legitimate in its sphere might turn out to be a enduring feature of international politics. However, we suggest that the nonhierarchical normative institutions for dealing with conflicts or problematical social situations will gain in importance over time, whereas national governments as such will lose. The resulting institutional complexity will enhance the demand for cognitive capabilities of individuals and will put stress on democratic principles. Responses to this kind of pressure comprise an important field of inquiry for the social sciences in the future. Summing up non-hierarchical international institutions of the international and the international kind play, empirically as well as normatively, an significant role in international politics. They are required in order to meet the increasing demand for international governance and they normally govern issue areas. With the existence and the rise of those institutions international relations are ever more characterized by a complex blend of diverse kinds of social order. Moreover, the formula governance without government might stand for a more enviable vision for a shrinking world than its major alternative: hierarchical norm- and rule-setting (and enforcement) on the international level. Thus, it appears worth while ongoing research on the conditions and consequences of shared self-regulation and consolidating a research programme permitting for a cumulating of knowledge. References: †¢ Aristide Zolberg, Astri Suhrke , and Sergio Aguayo, Escape from Violence: Conflict and the Refugee Crisis in the Developing World ( New York: Oxford University Press, 1989). †¢ Arthur Helton, Editorial, 6 International Journal of Refugee Law, 1994, pp. 1 and 2 †¢ Dillon, Michael, The Asylum Seeker and the Stranger: An Other Politics, Hospitality and Justice (paper presented at the International Studies Association Conference, Chicago, 1995) †¢ Dillon, Michael, The Scandal of the Refugee: Some Reflections on the â€Å"Inter† of International Relations and Continental Thought (private paper, copy with the author) †¢ Frank L. P. ( 1985), The First Oil Regime, World Politics, 37: 568-98. †¢ Gil Loescher, ed., Refugees and the Asylum Dilemma in the Vest (University Park, Penn.: Penn State University Press, 1992), pp. 8-35. †¢ Goodwin-Gill, Guy, The Refugee in International Law (2nd edn, Clarendon Press Oxford, 1996) †¢ Grieco J. M. ( 1990), Cooperation Among Nations: Europe, America, and NonTariff Barriers to Trade ( Ithaca, NY). †¢ Malcom Proudfoot, European Refugees, 1930-1952: A Study in Forced Population Movement ( London: Faber Faber, 1957) †¢ Michael Marrus, The Unwanted: European Refugees in the Twentieth Century ( New York: Oxford University Press, 1985). †¢ Rosenau J. N. ( 1992), Governance, Order, and Change in World Politics, in Rosenau and Czempiel ( 1992), 1-29. †¢ Scharpf F. W. ( 1985), Die Politikverflechtungs-Falle: Europà ¤ische Integration und deutscher Fà ¶deralismus im Vergleich, Politische Vierteljahresschrift, 26: 323-56.

Genitourinary Disorder Alteration in Fluid Elimination UTI Essay

Genitourinary Disorder Alteration in Fluid Elimination UTI Introduction Urinary Tract Infection (UTI) is a bacterial infection that affects the various parts of the urinary system such as the urethra, bladder, ureters, and kidneys. In young children, this disease is common and potentially serious. Statistics show that approximately 1% of boys and 3-5% of girls are affected by UTI. While most cases of UTI in boys usually occur within the first year, the age at which the first case of UTI is diagnosed in girls varies greatly. There are many factors that predispose young children to UTI including vesicoureteral reflux (VUR), incomplete emptying of the bladder, sexual abuse, pinworms, and fecal incompetence (Berreman, 2002). Correct diagnosis of UTI is paramount in order to avoid prescribing the wrong medication. In addition, correct diagnosis is critical in developing effective management and care plans for the patient which would go a long way in improving patient outcomes. During diagnosis, various diagnostic methods are used and the patient’s medical history as well as signs and symptoms ought to be a central focus by the clinician. This is important because as opposed to the more clear symptoms in older children and adults, UTI symptoms tend to be less specific and thus hard to detect in young children and infants. In fact, fever may turn out to be the only sign pointing to the possible presence of UTI in infants. In this case study, a case of UTI in a four month old female is examined with a special focus on the medical history, signs and symptoms, diagnosis, etiology, treatment, and management and care of the patient. Medical history and physical assessment of the patient A female infant aged 4 months presents with chi... ...t should be taken. If they appear nontoxic, oral antibiotics and fluids can be used for treatment. However, for patients who appear toxic, parenteral antibiotics and intravenous fluids should be aggressively administered. Most patients with uncomplicated UTI respond well antibiotic treatments in outpatient care without further problems. However, patients with severe or chronic infections require close follow-up, imaging, and appropriate treatment to prevent further sequelae in the long term. If a patient’s condition responds well to therapy, repeated urinalysis and urine cultures are not necessary. Before choosing a particular empiric therapy, clinicians should be aware of antibiotic resistance due to previous exposure of some uropathogens to antibiotics such as in cases of otitis media (Fisher, Pediatric Urinary Tract Infection Treatment & Management, 2011).

Cultural Anthropology Essay

â€Å"The word anthropology is derived from the Greek words anthropo, meaning â€Å"human beings† or â€Å"humankind,† and logia, translated as â€Å"knowledge of† or â€Å"the study of.†1 Likewise, it is a study which comprises four subfields: the physical anthropology, archaeology, linguistic anthropology and cultural anthropology or ethnology, which constitutes a broad approach to the study of humanity.2 Furthermore, â€Å"Anthropology is the exploration of human diversity in time and space.†3 Consequently, anthropology is a study or discourse of human being which deals human condition in every particular context and time, both past and present. It is a study that deals humans as biological species, as beings with culture and language present in a society, and so on. b. Cultural Anthropology â€Å"Cultural anthropology is the study of human society and culture, the subfield that describes, analyzes, interprets, and explains social and cultural similarities and differences.4 So, it is in this field that human beings are studied in a cultural perspective in order to identify the commonality and difference of one culture to the other. Likewise, â€Å"Cultural anthropology or ethnology is the subfield of anthropology that examines various contemporary societies and cultures throughout the world.†5 Therefore, it does not study human being individually but societally or as a group, in order to come up with a generalization of their way of life. c. Ethnology â€Å"Ethnology examines, interprets, analyzes, and compares the results of ethnography—the data gathered in different societies.†6 Likewise, â€Å"ethnology is the comparative science that attempts to identify and explain cultural differences and similarities, test hypotheses, and build theory to enhance our understanding of how social and cultural systems work.7 Thus, ethnology is the science in which the data gathered by the cultural anthropologist  from the different societies through observation are put into analysis and examination. In other words, it is a cross-cultural study. By this, cultural anthropologists describe the similarities and differences of one culture from the other and make generalization about society and culture. 2. What are the two approaches we use in the study of Anthropology? There are two ways of developing testable propositions: the inductive method and the deductive method. In the inductive method, the scientist first makes observations and collects data. On the other hand, deductive method of scientific research begins with a general theory from which scientists develop testable hypotheses. Data are then collected to evaluate these hypotheses. 3. Why the study of Anthropology is important today? Studying human beings, Anthropology is very important today for it examines, analyzes, compares and makes generalization about how people live and behave. In fact, it is so vital to study it these days for this field deals not only the present generation of the human kind but also even those of the past, the history and artifacts, with their way of life basically analyzed and is compared to what we have today. Likewise, it is also crucial to discuss this subject matter, especially cultural anthropology, for it gives anybody a kind of self-awareness to cultural diversity. Hence, anthropology will make us aware of cross-cultural understanding in this diverse world and appreciate the uniqueness of one culture to the other. Furthermore, studying so would give us knowledge in order to avoid ethnocentrism or superiority of one culture to the other for no culture is actually higher than the other. On one hand, anthropology contributes to a general liberal arts education, which helps students develop intellectually and personally, as well as professionally.8 So, it is important as well to study anthropology nowadays for it tries to investigate human condition according to four perspectives, namely, the physical anthropology, archaeology, linguistic anthropology and cultural anthropology, which is needed in every career that one may take. Well, for us, seminarians, I think it is an imperative to have knowledge about this course for it enables us to develop our understanding, especially when it comes to cross-cultural one, as future missionaries to foreign lands  someday.

The Reality Of A Utopian Society Essay - 2290 Words

A place where everyone comes together in peace and harmony, where people work, live and cooperate like heaven on earth. Some people may believe that these aspects of a perfect society are possible through the perfection of religion, politics, and examples through history. This society would exceed perfection and be called a Utopia. However, because of the imperfections and diversity within humanity, historical failed attempts of creating a perfect society, and different opinions on a Utopian society, creates the reality of a Utopian community unobtainable. In the 16th century, Sir Thomas More created an island that had a perfect law, politics, economy, and government. He implanted this perfect society idea in his book Utopia. During the 19th century, many philosophers, and novelists began to plunder into the idea of having their own Utopian society. They began to swim in the thoughts of having a perfect community. More’s book discusses how a man named Raphael Hythloday who has discovered what He states, â€Å"The institutions [the Utopians] have adopted have made their community most happy and, as far as anyone can tell, capable of lasting forever...† Here he explains that if a country has great power, then the people within will be happy. If his idea of a perfect place is possible then it will last forever. Throughout the book he explains different standards to what a perfect society would recollect. However, looking closer to the actual meaning of the word utopia, More chooseShow MoreRelatedOrigins Of The Mormon Pionee rs901 Words   |  4 Pagesbranded those early pioneers. After arriving in Utah, they wanted to further their Utopian movement. Mormons consecrated their talents and meager funds all together, to begin construction of the Salt Lake City temple (Scott). The Utopian society of Mormon’s believed that the legacy, authority, and influence of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, for their perfect world, stems from the highest â€Å"reality† that the Church s beginning was celestial: in other words, the Mormon history isRead MorePystopia Vs Utopia1382 Words   |  6 PagesMany utopian ideas are meant to provide a sense of progress and hopes for a better society. However, the utopian ideal many of us are familiar with has several underlying problems, most of which have to do with the unpredictability of human nature. People often act out of self interest and greed and are prone to corruption, or the abstract ideas that seem to work on paper have no feasible way of being reproduced with the desired results. There are too many outside factors that influence the way weRead More Literary Utopian Societies Essays1747 Words   |  7 Pages Literary Utopian Societies â€Å"The vision of one century is often the reality of the next†¦Ã¢â‚¬  (Nelson 108). Throughout time, great minds have constructed their own visions of utopia. Through the study of utopias, one finds that these â€Å"perfect† societies have many flaws. For example, most utopias tend to have an authoritarian nature (Manuel 3). Also, another obvious imperfection found in the majority of utopias is that of a faulty social class system (Thomas 94). But one must realized that the flawsRead MoreRhetorical Analysis Of Utopia By Thomas More1195 Words   |  5 Pagessometimes accompanied by irony, comedy, and ambiguity. These elements help to convey to the readers what More’s truly intended message is. More utilizes the device of tone in Utopia in order to showcase the fundamental differences between Utopian and European society during that time. A prominent tone used by More throughout the story is irony. More uses an ironic tone through various characters, allowing readers to further discern the differences between Utopia and Europe. To do this, More utilizesRead MoreThe Enchanted Castle, By E. Nesbit949 Words   |  4 Pagesunconscious mind which allows one to take full control of the fantasy world and bring change to a society. Gerald, Jimmy, Kathleen and Mabel create and control the fantasy throughout the whole novel. Before the kids find out that the ring can do anything they say, they have an unconscious desire to understand the world and make it a better place. It is them who create the Gods who show them the utopian qualities of life, the Ugly-Wuglies who display the true characteristics of the upper class, andRead MoreDoes The Promise Of Paradise Produce Hell?1134 Words   |  5 PagesDoes the promise of paradise produce hell? The modern reality of the cities is defined by complex urban, social and environmental problems. The era of intense urbanisation is associated with the phenomenon of the unregulated urban sprawl, globalisation and consumerism. Especially for the metropolis, for both, the developed and developing countries, there is overconcentration of the population in confined spaces, which leads to insufficient-available infrastructures of common utility, accommodationRead MoreStanding Solider, Kneeling Slaves By Kirk Savage Essay1402 Words   |  6 Pagescivil war and after civil. He discusses the issue of inequality, race, and class through the use of the monument and sculptures that were being built during this time. On the other hand Bellamy’s book â€Å"Looking Backwards† proposes the idea of a Utopian society where everyone is equal and works for one sole employer; the nation. I will be discussing how Bellamy’s principles on labor would help solve the problems Savage pr oposes of slavery, racism, and gender inequality. Savage touches on the basisRead More Utopia - The Impossibility of Perfection Essay example1686 Words   |  7 PagesCommunist Manifesto, the search for a perfect social state has never stopped; its ultimate goal of achieving a human society that exists in absolute harmony with all due social justice, however, has proved to be woefully elusive. The pure concept of a utopia can be theoretically visualized as a perfect geometric circle: one that is seamless, all-inclusive, yet impossible to draw out in reality. In 1516, Sir Thomas More depicted in his famed Utopia what he envisioned to be an ideal state?one that freesRead MoreOpposition between Art and Reality in Shakespeares The Tempest1062 Words   |  5 PagesOpposition between Art and Reality in The Tempest      Ã‚  Ã‚   The Tempest is a self-reflexive play that explores the boundaries of art and reality. Shakespeares island is a realm controlled by the artist figure; where the fabulous, the ideal and the imaginative are presented as both illusory and palpable, and where the audience is held in an indeterminate state, a strange repose. The juxtaposition of the world of art with political and social realities explored by representative charactersRead More The Use of Soma to Shape and Control Society in Huxleys Brave New World1713 Words   |  7 PagesThe Use of Soma to Shape and Control Society in Huxleys Brave New World The future of the world is a place of thriving commerce and stability. Safety and happiness are at an all-time high, and no one suffers from depression or any other mental disorders. There are no more wars, as peace and harmony spread to almost every corner of the world. There is no sickness, and people are predestined to be happy and content in their social class. But if anything wrong accidentally occurs, there is a